The Dutch Socialist Party: From Sect to Mass Party
DE JONG Alex
The Dutch Socialist Party went from fringe force to national contender. But it lost its soul along the way.
In many Western countries, the far left remains dominated by groups rooted in the radicalization of the 1960s. Most never became more than propaganda outfits of a few hundred members. The Socialist Party (SP) in the Netherlands is an exception. What started as just another left splinter developed into a mass party that seems posed to become the largest left of center force in the country.
The May 2014 municipal elections saw a dramatic change in the politics of the Dutch capital of Amsterdam: for the first time since its foundation in 1946, the social-democratic Labour Party (PvdA) disappeared from the municipal executive. Instead, two right-wing parties formed a coalition with the SP. So far, the Socialist Party’s attempts to overtake the PvdA nationally have failed, but it’s on the more established party’s heels.


Argentina has legislated to create a commission to investigate the origin of the country’s debt, dating back to the military dictatorship of 1976 to 1983. The law states that once the commission has been established, it will report within 180 days. Campaigners in Argentina have been calling for a public audit into the debt, to discover if any loans were odious or illegitimate, and hence should not be paid. It is not yet clear when the commission will be established.
In the last few days the Occupy Central movement has continued to grow phenomenally. Following a very tense day and night on Sunday as police continually tried to disperse the protesters with force, firing numerous rounds of teargas, the large numbers and protesters determination to keep the roads meant that on Monday morning the streets were still occupied and the riot police were withdrawn from attacking the protesters. The atmosphere in Central by Monday night was a complete contrast to the night before as calm ensued and thousands more arrived to participate in the protests, appalled by the government's response and use of force the day before, to occupy large sections of the roads and calls for the Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying to step down were repeatedly shouted by the crowd. Thousands of protesters again stayed on the streets overnight on Tuesday, despite at times being battered by heavy rain, and yesterday was then National Day -the original planned start date of Occupy Central. However those initial plans of the OC leadership trio have long become worthless, paling in comparison to the dynamic the movement has taken on and the actions of ordinary people in their struggle for democracy. With a two day public holiday and many not having to go to work, even larger numbers have come out to take part. Protesters have gathered in their thousands over the last few days not just in Central District, but in Mong Kok and Causeway Bay, and yesterday also spread to Tsim Tsa Tsui.
Monday 29th September 2014/Occupy Central Day 3 - Occupy central continues to grow by leaps and bounds.
Con una rapidez sin precedentes, el Tribunal Constitucional ha admitido a trámite los recursos presentados por el gobierno contra la ley de consultas del Parlament catalán y el decreto, firmado por el President de la Generalitat, de convocatoria de una consulta no vinculante el próximo 9 de noviembre. Pretende, además, paralizar no sólo la consulta sino también “las restantes actuaciones de preparación para la convocatoria de dicha consulta o vinculadas a ella”. De esta forma, una suspensión cautelar “exprés” sitúa en la ilegalidad a una mayoría social y política en Cataluña.
Escocia ya ha votado, ¿Catalunya lo va a hacer? El parlamento catalán ha aprobado este viernes la ley de consultas que así lo permite. Un 78,5% de la cámara le ha dado su apoyo. Y lo que es más importante: un millón 800 mil personas lo exigieron el pasado 11 de septiembre en una masiva movilización en la capital catalana.
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L'association Attac Maroc salue le courage des 595 femmes de ménage grecques de la Fonction publique, en lutte depuis 11 mois contre leur licenciement et les mesures d'austérité et de dégraissage de la Fonction publique imposées par le gouvernement grec sous tutelle des Institutions financières internationales et de l'Union européenne.
After the Second World War, in a growing number of Third World countries, policies diverged from those of the former colonial powers. This trend encountered firm opposition from the governments of the major industrialised capitalist countries whose influence held sway with the World Bank (WB) and the IMF. WB projects have a strong political content: to curtail the development of movements challenging the domination/rule of major capitalist powers. The prohibition against taking “political” and “non-economic” considerations into account in WB operations, one of the most important provisions of its charter, is systematically circumvented. The political bias of the Bretton Woods institutions is shown by their financial support to dictatorships ruling in Chile, Brazil, Nicaragua, Congo-Kinshasa and Romania.
There is no doubt. The moment of truth approaches. But which? The coming months will be worth years. For better or worse they can lead to an acceleration and a point of irreversible movement towards the breaking of the institutional framework created in 1978, or can represent the epic collapse of the process initiated in 2012, leaving behind a legacy of cynicism and frustration without comparison.
James Robertson: Let’s start with a brief history of the Initiative for Democratic Socialism (IDS) and its role in the formation of the Združena levica (UL, United Left) earlier this year. What are the origins of IDS?
IN HIS AGE of Extremes, the great Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm marked the start of World War I in August, 1914 as the beginning of the “short twentieth century.”
The Second International and the First World War – Responding to capitalist global disaster: 1914 and today