Macerata, ordinaria follia oppure normalissimo fascismo?
Macerata, ordinaria follia oppure normalissimo fascismo? Ovvero come si fa a distinguere un pazzo da un razzista savio? di Checchino Antonini Macerata, ordinaria follia o ordinario fascismo? Mettiamo in fila
La investidura de Puigdemont y las tensiones del independentismo
La investidura de Puigdemont y las tensiones del independentismo Martí Caussa El martes día 30 por la mañana Roger Torrent, presidente del Parlament y miembro de ERC, aplazó el pleno que debía investir Puigdemont
Catalogne : construire de la base ce que le sommet nous refuse
Catalogne : construire de la base ce que le sommet nous refuse par Txetx Etcheverry* Quoi qu’on pense de l’indépendance de la Catalogne, le processus catalan est quelque chose de passionnant à étudier pour
D’où viennent les fonds vautours ?
D’où viennent les fonds vautours ? par CADTM L’activité financière basée sur le recouvrement de créances rachetées à bas prix n’est pas l’apanage de la période moderne |1|. Concomitamment à
“Sellouts in the Room:” Éric Toussaint on the Greek Debt Crisis and SYRIZA Capitulation
“Sellouts in the Room:” Éric Toussaint on the Greek Debt Crisis and SYRIZA Capitulation by Eric Toussaint , Michael Nevradakis ATHENS, GREECE – For years, throughout the severe economic crisis that has plagued
República catalana: Documental
República catalana: Documental "El primer dia d’octubre" produït per la Directa - Agència UO Υπότιτλοι Γαλλικά - Αγγλικά
OCTOBER 1917-2017 (Part 2)
OCTOBER 1917-2017 (Part 2) From a decolonial Communism to the democracy of the Commons: The ‘Soviet century’ – in the turmoil of the ‘permanent revolution’ By Catherine Samary 3- From the Cuban ‘great deb
OCTOBER 1917-2017 (part 1)
OCTOBER 1917-2017 (Part 1) From a decolonial Communism to the democracy of the Commons: The ‘Soviet century’ – in the turmoil of the ‘permanent revolution’ By Catherine Samary But when it comes to the natur
Les trop brèves convergences de la Révolution russe et de l’écologie scientifique
Les trop brèves convergences de la Révolution russe et de l’écologie scientifique Daniel Tanuro  16 janvier 1919. La guerre civile bat son plein. Les troupes blanches de l’amiral Koltchak ont franchi l’O
República Catalana: Manifestació del 7 de desembre a Brussel·les
República Catalana: Manifestació del 7 de desembre a Brussel·les Més de 45.000 catalans han ocupat aquest dijous la capital administrativa d’Europa, Brussel·les. El lema de la manifestació, Wake up, Europe (Des
I AM A CATALAN - OMNIUM CULTURAL
I AM A CATALAN - OMNIUM CULTURAL Freedom, democracy and respect for human rights. These are Europe’s founding values. Values that were achieved at great cost. Values that are under attack right now. Catalonia has al
Entrevista a Albano Dante Fachin:
Entrevista a Albano Dante Fachin: "Catalunya Sí que Es Pot, en su programa electoral, hablaba de “procesos constituyentes no subordinados”, aunque ahora no se acuerde nadie" Pablo Castaño Abaix "Es presenta el ma
Golpe de Estado desde el Estado
Golpe de Estado desde el Estado Josep Maria Antentas 1. Golpe de Estado impulsado por el propio Estado. Ésta es la manera más sencilla de definir la batería de medidas que el gobierno de Mariano Rajoy, con el apoyo
Centenary of the Russian Revolution and the Repudiation of Debt
Centenary of the Russian Revolution and the Repudiation of Debt 23 October by Eric Toussaint Based on El Lissitsky, “Beat the whites with the red wedge”, 1919 In February 1918, the repudiation of the debt by the S

Αναζήτηση

It was the Democrats' embrace of neoliberalism that won it for Trump

By Naomi Klein

2016 11 15 01 Naomi KleinThey will blame James Comey and the FBI. They will blame voter suppression and racism. They will blame Bernie or bust and misogyny. They will blame third parties and independent candidates. They will blame the corporate media for giving him the platform, social media for being a bullhorn, and WikiLeaks for airing the laundry.

But this leaves out the force most responsible for creating the nightmare in which we now find ourselves wide awake: neoliberalism. That worldview – fully embodied by Hillary Clinton and her machine – is no match for Trump-style extremism. The decision to run one against the other is what sealed our fate. If we learn nothing else, can we please learn from that mistake?

Here is what we need to understand: a hell of a lot of people are in pain. Under neoliberal policies of deregulation, privatisation, austerity and corporate trade, their living standards have declined precipitously. They have lost jobs. They have lost pensions. They have lost much of the safety net that used to make these losses less frightening. They see a future for their kids even worse than their precarious present.

At the same time, they have witnessed the rise of the Davos class, a hyper-connected network of banking and tech billionaires, elected leaders who are awfully cosy with those interests, and Hollywood celebrities who make the whole thing seem unbearably glamorous. Success is a party to which they were not invited, and they know in their hearts that this rising wealth and power is somehow directly connected to their growing debts and powerlessness.

For the people who saw security and status as their birthright – and that means white men most of all – these losses are unbearable.

Donald Trump speaks directly to that pain. The Brexit campaign spoke to that pain. So do all of the rising far-right parties in Europe. They answer it with nostalgic nationalism and anger at remote economic bureaucracies – whether Washington, the North American free trade agreement the World Trade Organisation or the EU. And of course, they answer it by bashing immigrants and people of colour, vilifying Muslims, and degrading women. Elite neoliberalism has nothing to offer that pain, because neoliberalism unleashed the Davos class. People such as Hillary and Bill Clinton are the toast of the Davos party. In truth, they threw the party.

Trump’s message was: “All is hell.” Clinton answered: “All is well.” But it’s not well – far from it.

Neo-fascist responses to rampant insecurity and inequality are not going to go away. But what we know from the 1930s is that what it takes to do battle with fascism is a real left. A good chunk of Trump’s support could be peeled away if there were a genuine redistributive agenda on the table. An agenda to take on the billionaire class with more than rhetoric, and use the money for a green new deal. Such a plan could create a tidal wave of well-paying unionised jobs, bring badly needed resources and opportunities to communities of colour, and insist that polluters should pay for workers to be retrained and fully included in this future.

It could fashion policies that fight institutionalised racism, economic inequality and climate change at the same time. It could take on bad trade deals and police violence, and honour indigenous people as the original protectors of the land, water and air.

People have a right to be angry, and a powerful, intersectional left agenda can direct that anger where it belongs, while fighting for holistic solutions that will bring a frayed society together.

Such a coalition is possible. In Canada, we have begun to cobble it together under the banner of a people’s agenda called The Leap Manifesto, endorsed by more than 220 organisations from Greenpeace Canada to Black Lives Matter Toronto, and some of our largest trade unions.

Bernie Sanders’ amazing campaign went a long way towards building this sort of coalition, and demonstrated that the appetite for democratic socialism is out there. But early on, there was a failure in the campaign to connect with older black and Latino voters who are the demographic most abused by our current economic model. That failure prevented the campaign from reaching its full potential. Those mistakes can be corrected and a bold, transformative coalition is there to be built on.

That is the task ahead. The Democratic party needs to be either decisively wrested from pro-corporate neoliberals, or it needs to be abandoned. From Elizabeth Warren to Nina Turner, to the Occupy alumni who took the Bernie campaign supernova, there is a stronger field of coalition-inspiring progressive leaders out there than at any point in my lifetime. We are “leaderful”, as many in the Movement for Black Lives say.

So let’s get out of shock as fast as we can and build the kind of radical movement that has a genuine answer to the hate and fear represented by the Trumps of this world. Let’s set aside whatever is keeping us apart and start right now.

Naomi Klein

scroll back to top